Mauricio Macri has already assumed that he is a political stoic. A palace intern of Carlos Rosenkrantz as president of the Federal Supreme Court and Santa Casa da Casa Rosada was a militant of Cristina Kirchner.
Macri believes that it is a succession of unexpected events that imply the different difficulties that must be resolved before obtaining his re-election in 2019. And for this list of peculiar political events, the president adds the social crisis, the distance with Elisa Carrió, the silence of radicalism, increased country risk, and economic depression. Macri says he will renew his mandate and given the uncertainty caused by inflation, rates, unemployment and growth, responds with a phrase that does not yet have a counterfactual: "I have won the last 18 elections and I will win the next"He says with a faint smile.
Macri receives daily reports on the situation of the country and bets on the economic recovery to defeat justicialismo in the elections of 2019. So far there is not a single dossier to guarantee the terms of the recovery, but the president maintains that by the end of March budget efforts have begun to show their social and political outcomes. It is a dogma of faith that Macri repeats to contain and encourage his troops in the Casa Rosada.
While presidential confidence appears as a campaign argument, influential government officials plan electoral strategies to defeat the Peronist candidates who will appear in the general election. CFK is the mobile target Macri has decided to renovate at Casa Rosada, but the strategy does not end with the former president sued for certain cases of public corruption.
The government also monitors the possibilities of other Justicialist candidates – Sergio Massa, Miguel Angel Pichetto, Juan Manuel Urtubey and Juan Schiaretti – and concluded in a probable hypothesis of work: if the CFK is not candidate and the economic situation improves, these potential candidates of the PJ would not arrive at the dispute to compete against Macri. And vice versa, if the economy continues in red and Cristina plays in the elections, the president goes to the vote to preserve his institutional power.
The Casa Rosada is concerned about the increase in country risk and prays that Francisco insists on suggesting Juan Grabois as CFK candidate for vice president. Grabois has a harsh speech that expels the indecisive votes that would vote for Peronism after supporting Macri in 2015, and country risk has become a pest that has hampered the funding of work that would be done through Private Public Participation (PPP). . Without jobs to produce formal and informal jobs, the government's undecided vote escape for the Justicialist opposition would decline if the candidate were CFK alongside the social leader Grabois.
Macri's stoic stance crosses his strategic decision to harness the technology to adjust the election campaign. The command of the Cambiemos campaign uses big data, artificial intelligence, custom algorithms, own surveys and the Permanent Household Survey (EPH) to determine the expectations of the undecided and consolidate Macri's own vote. The computers work night and day, and the conclusions reach the first floor of Balcarce 50, where Marcos Peña elaborates electoral strategies to get Macri to defeat any variable of Peronism.
It is a fight to the death between the parties that do not undergo IMF adjustment measures and the defrauded Macri who seek a presidentialist option with only officialist origin. Artificial intelligence versus the cost of the family basket. Open end.